Ferdinand Marcos

Ferdinand Marcos
Marcos in 1982
10th President of the Philippines
In office December 30, 1965 – February 25, 1986
Prime Minister	Himself (1978–81) Cesar Virata (1981–86)
Vice President	Fernando Lopez (1965–72) Abolished (1972–84) Vacant (1984–86)
Preceded by	Diosdado Macapagal
Succeeded by	Corazon Aquino
3rd Prime Minister of the Philippines
In office June 12, 1978 – June 30, 1981
Preceded by	Office re-established; position previously held by Pedro Paterno
Succeeded by	Cesar Virata
Governor of Metro Manila
Acting February 17, 1978 – June 12, 1978
Preceded by	Imelda Marcos
Succeeded by	Imelda Marcos
Secretary of National Defense
In office August 28, 1971 – January 3, 1972
President	Himself
Preceded by	Juan Ponce Enrile
Succeeded by	Juan Ponce Enrile
In office December 31, 1965 – January 20, 1967
President	Himself
Preceded by	Macario Peralta
Succeeded by	Ernesto Mata
Political offices 1949‍–‍65 11th President of the Senate of the Philippines In office April 5, 1963 – December 30, 1965 President Diosdado Macapagal Preceded by Eulogio Rodriguez Succeeded by Arturo Tolentino Senate Minority Leader In office January 25, 1960 – January 22, 1962 Preceded by Ambrosio Padilla Succeeded by Estanislao Fernandez Senator of the Philippines In office December 30, 1959 – December 30, 1965 Member of the House of Representatives from Ilocos Norte's 2nd district In office December 30, 1949 – December 30, 1959 Preceded by Pedro Albano Succeeded by Simeon M. Valdez 6th President of the Liberal Party In office January 21, 1961 – April 1964 Preceded by Diosdado Macapagal Succeeded by Cornelio Villareal
Personal details
Born	Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos (1917-09-11)September 11, 1917 Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, Philippines[a]
Died	September 28, 1989(1989-09-28) (aged 72) Honolulu, Hawaii, US
Resting place	Ferdinand E. Marcos Presidential Center, Batac, Ilocos Norte (1993‍–‍2016) Libingan ng mga Bayani, Taguig, Metro Manila (since 2016; disputed)[1][2][3]
Party	Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (1978–1989)
Other political affiliations	Liberal (1946–1964) Nacionalista (1964–1978)
Spouses	Carmen Ortega (common‑law) ​ ​(before 1954)​[4] Imelda Romualdez ​(m. 1954)​
Children	9, including Imee, Bongbong, Irene, and Aimee
Parents	Mariano Marcos (father) Josefa Edralin (mother)
Relatives	Marcos family
Alma mater	University of the Philippines Manila (LL.B)
Occupation	Jurist lawyer politician
Signature
Nicknames	Apo Lakay Ferdie Macoy
Military service
Allegiance	Philippines United States[b]
Years of service	1942–1945
Rank	First lieutenant Major
Unit	21st Infantry Division (USAFFE) 14th Infantry Regiment (USAFIP-NL)
Battles/wars	World War II
Criminal charges	Murder contempt of court (1939)
Criminal penalty	10–17 years imprisonment (1940)
Criminal status	Acquitted on appeal (1940)

Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos Sr.^[c] (September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was a Filipino lawyer, military officer, and politician who served as the tenth and longest serving president of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. His regime has been widely referred to as a kleptocracy.^[7][8][9] From 1972 to 1981, Marcos ruled the Philippines under martial law as a dictator, embracing a policy of "constitutional authoritarianism."^[10][11][12] Following the reestablishment of democracy in 1981, a wide-ranging economic crisis, and the assassination of Ninoy Aquino, Marcos was deposed in 1986 by the People Power Revolution and was succeeded as president by Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino. He was also the father of Bongbong Marcos, the incumbent president of the Philippines since 2022.

Marcos was born in Ilocos Norte in 1917. His father, Mariano Marcos, was a lawyer and politician who was later executed by guerillas for collaboration with the Japanese Army during World War II. In 1940, Marcos and his father were convicted of assassinating a political rival, Julio Nalundasan, but the conviction was overturned on appeal. Marcos joined the United States Army after the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 and fought the Japanese, who held him as a prisoner of war in 1942. After the war, he practiced law and was elected to represent Ilocos Norte in the Philippines House of Representatives from 1949 to 1959. He elected to the Senate of the Philippines from 1959 to 1965, as served as Senate president from 1963 to 1965. He advanced his political career by exaggerating his military record, including claims that he was "the most decorated war hero in the Philippines."^{[13][14][15][16][17][18]}

In 1965, Marcos was elected to his first term as president; he was-relected in 1969. His initial policies included massive infrastructure development and construction, which made him popular but were funded by foreign lending.^{[19][20][21][22][23]} During his second term, debt and inflation crises and growing Philippine involvement in the Vietnam War triggered domestic social unrest.^[24][25] In 1972, Marcos declared martial law, ruling the country as a dictator until 1981.^[26][27][28] His rule was ratified through a 1973 plebscite administered and overseen by the military^[29]. During this period, the constitution was revised to empower Marcos, and media outlets and opposition politicians were silenced. The Marcos regime used violence to suppress political opposition, including Muslims and suspected communists, whom he declared a threat to the Philippines.^{[30][31][32][33][34][35][36]} He referred to his ideology during this period as the "movement for a new society" and founded the political party Kilusang Bagong Lipunan to advance his ideas.

After the formal end of martial law in 1981, Marcos was elected to a third term. His popularity suffered in 1983, however, due to an economic collapse and the assassination of Ninoy Aquino, leader-in-exile of the opposition. Disapproval manifested in the resurgence of the political opposition in the 1984 parliamentary elections. Subsequent investigative reporting on his family's extensive overseas financial holdings and false war records led Marcos to call snap elections in 1986. He was challenged by Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino. Although official results declared Marcos the victor, allegations of mass electoral fraud, political turmoil, and human rights abuses led to the People Power Revolution of February 1986, which ultimately removed him from power after two decades. On advice from United States president Ronald Reagan, the Marcos family fled to Hawaii, where he died in 1989.^{[37][38][39][40][41][42]}

Marcos remains a controversial figure in the Philippines, with his period of rule widely condemned as a kleptocracy and infamous for corruption, extravagance, and brutality, having allegedly stolen as much as $10 billion from the Central Bank of the Philippines.^{[7][8][12][30][43][44][45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54][55][56][57]} His wife, Imelda Marcos, became infamous in her own right for the excesses that characterized their "conjugal dictatorship," coining the term Imeldific.^{[58][59][60][61][62][63]} Despite his removal from office and death in exile, many members of the Marcos regime remained in politics, including Fidel Ramos, who succeeded Aquino as president in 1992.^[64] Though his children, Imee and Bongbong Marcos, remain active in Philippine politics, with Bongbong serving as president since 2022, they have sought to distance themselves from their parents' legacy and views.

Early life and education

Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos was born in Sarrat, Ilocos Norte on September 11, 1917. His father, Mariano Marcos (1897–1945), was a lawyer who represented Ilocos Norte in the House of Representatives of the Philippines from 1925 to 1931.^[65] His mother, Josefa Edralin Marcos (1893–1988), was a schoolteacher.^[66] Marcos was of Chinese mestizo descendant.^[67] He later claimed to be descended from revolutionary hero Antonio Luna, a claim since debunked by genealogist Mona Magno-Veluz.^[68][69] Marcos also claimed descent from Limahong (Chinese: 林阿鳳), a 16th-century pirate who used to raid the coasts of the South China Sea.^[70][71]

Education

From 1923 to 1929, Marcos attended Sarrat Elementary School, Shamrock Elementary School (in Laoag), and Ermita Elementary School (in Manila). He received his secondary education at University of the Philippines High School and attended University of the Philippines Manila, studying liberal arts before studying law at University of the Philippines College of Law.^[72] At the College of Law, he joined Upsilon Sigma Phi, where he first met many of his future colleagues and critics. He excelled in his studies and in extracurricular activities, joining the university's swimming, boxing, wrestling, and rifle teams. He was a national rifle champion and an accomplished orator, debater, and writer for the student newspaper. ^[73][74] Marcos served as a battalion commander in the Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC) and was commissioned as a third lieutenant in the Philippine Constabulary Reserve.^[75]

In 1939, Marcos took the bar exam; he was a top scorer with a score of 92.35 percent.^[76] He graduated cum laude in the top ten of his class.^[77][78] He was elected to the Pi Gamma Mu and the Phi Kappa Phi international honor societies.^[79] Marcos received an honorary Doctor of Laws (LL.D.) (honoris causa) degree in 1967 from Central Philippine University.^[80]

Assassination of Julio Nalundasan

In 1934, Mariano Marcos lost his campaign for re-election to the House of Representatives to Julio Nalundasan. Mariano Marcos challenged Nalundasan again in the 1935 election but was defeated. On the day after the election, September 21, 1935, Nalundasan was killed by a single rifle shot at his home in Batac.^[81] In December 1938, two witnesses accused Ferdinand Marcos, Mariano, and Ferdinand's uncles Pio Marcos and Quirino Lizardo, of conspiring to assassinate Nalundasan.^[82][83] At the time, Ferdinand was still studying law and a national champion as a member of the university rifle team.^[75] On the night of the assassination, Ferdinand's rifle was in its rack in the ROTC armory. However, the rifle of team captain Teodoro Kalaw was missing, and Ferdinand had access to the armory. A National Bureau of Investigation concluded that Kalaw's rifle was the murder weapon.^[81] Ferdinand and his uncle Quirino were convicted of murder, and Ferdinand was sentenced to 10 to 17 years in prison.^[84]

He appealed his conviction to the Supreme Court of the Philippines.^[85] The Supreme Court overturned the lower court's decision on October 22, 1940, acquitting both men of all charges except contempt of court.^[86][87] Justice Jose P. Laurel, who wrote the majority decision, persuaded his colleagues to acquit Marcos. Laurel himself had been convicted of frustrated murder as a young man after he almost killed a rival during a youthful brawl but was acquitted after his own appeal to the Supreme Court.^[81]

Military service (1939–45) and early political career (1949–65)

World War II

Marcos's military service record, and his alleged exaggeration of it, have been the source of controversy and confusion.^[88][89] Near the end of his presidency, researchers found that most stories about Marcos's military service were inaccurate or untrue.^{[90][91][92][93][94][95]}

Following the attack on Pearl Harbor and Japanese invasion of the Philippines in December 1941, Marcos was called into service in the United States Army. He fought with the United States until April 1942, when he was taken prisoner by the Japanese at the Battle of Bataan. Official Army records show that he was assigned to the intelligence service in the 21st Infantry Division under Mateo M. Capinpin.^[88][89][96] Despite his later claims of heroism at the battle, there are no contemporaneous records of any awards or decorations received by Marcos, and his commander and other officers did not corroborate his claims. However, official dispatches reference Marcos bringing a wounded officer to the rear and note that the 21st Infantry Division did not receive sufficient recognition for their actions at Bataan.^[97]

After surrendering, Marcos survived the Bataan Death March.^[98] According to Marcos's own account, he was released by the Japanese on August 4, 1942. This claim later became controversial when it was cited as evidence that Marcos's father had served as a Japanese collaborator, as the Japanese only released prisoners who had severe health problems or whose families had cooperated with Japanese authorities.^{[99][100][98]} In 1945, his father was executed by Filipino guerillas by drawing and quartering using carabaos. His remains were left hanging on a tree.^{[101][102][103]} At least one contemporary Japanese official recorded Ferdinand himself as a Japanese propagandist.^[104]

After his release, Marcos claimed to have led a guerrilla force of nine thousand in northern Luzon; these claims have been contradicted and ruled criminal by the United States Army investigators.^[105][106] According to Primitivo Mijares, Marcos also filed a fraudulent war reparations claim for millions of dollars in cattle.^[107] Military records show that Marcos rejoined U.S. forces in December 1944 until his discharge with the rank of major in May 1945.^[108][109]

Political rise (1949–65)

After World War II, Philippines gained political independence from the United States on July 4, 1946.^[110][111] Marcos was appointed as one of eleven special prosecutors, tasked to prosecute those accused of collaboration with the Japanese.^[112] Leveraging this appointment and his exaggerated war record, Marcos eventually entered politics as a member of the new Liberal Party. In 1949, Marcos ran for his father's former seat in Ilocos Norte's 2nd congressional district. He won and was re-elected to the House of Representatives twice, serving until 1959.^[113]

The Liberal Party had split from the Nacionalista Party in 1946. Marcos later became the party's economic spokesman and chaired the House Committee on Commerce and Industry. He also served on the committees on Defense, Ways and Means; Industry; Banks Currency; War Veterans; Civil Service; and Corporations and Economic Planning. He was also a member of the Special Committee on Import and Price Controls, the Special Committee on Reparations, and the House Electoral Tribunal.^[113]

After serving three terms in the House, Marcos was elected to the Senate in 1959. He became minority floor leader in the Senate in 1960 and served as party president from 1961 to 1964. From 1963 to 1965, he was Senate President. He introduced significant bills, many of which were enacted.^[113] During his 1962 campaign, Marcos claimed to be the most decorated Filipino veteran of World War II, having garnered almost every medal and decoration awarded by the American or Philippine government, including the Distinguished Service Cross and Medal of Honor.^[114][115] The Liberal Party later confirmed that many of the medals were awarded to Marcos in 1962 to aid in his Senate election campaign.^[59][116]

Presidential styles of Ferdinand Marcos
Reference style	His Excellency
Spoken style	Your Excellency
Alternative style	Mr. President

Democratic rule (1965–72)

First term (1965–69)

1965 presidential campaign

In 1965, Marcos expected incumbent president Diosdado Macapagal to step aside and support his campaign for president. Marcos had managed Macapagal's 1961 campaign in exchange for Macapagal's support in 1965. Stung by Macapagal's broken promise, Marcos left the Liberal Party to join the Nacionalista Party and run for president on a populist platform.^[117] With the support of Faustino del Mundo, leader of the Hukbalahap guerrilla remnants and organized crime in Pampanga and southern Tarlac, Marcos was able to mobilize resources and utilize coercive violence to win Central Luzon, which was crucial to the election.^[117] On October 13, 1965, at least one person was killed and five wounded in a clash between gangs supporting Macapagal and Marcos.^[117]

Marcos won the election and was inaugurated as the 10th president of the Philippines on December 30, 1965.^[118]

Domestic infrastructure policy

As president, Marcos launched an aggressive program of infrastructure development funded by foreign loans. He remained popular for most of his first term.^{[24][25][118]} From 1966 to 1970, Marcos increased infrastructure spending in the Philippines by 70 percent. Major projects included the construction of the Cultural Center of the Philippines complex. Critics have referred to the Marcos policy of major construction and infrastructure building to curry public support as an "edifice complex."^[119][120] Spending during his first term outpaced tax revenues, but Marcos continued to promise "rice, roads, and school buildings" as the cornerstone of his 1969 re-election campaign. Marcos covered the gap with foreign lending, leading to a 72 percent increase in the budget deficit over Macapagal's term in office. This policy created long-term economic instability and demanded that Marcos rely on foreign support to preserve his rule.^[118]

Vietnam War, foreign policy, and militarism

As president, Marcos pursued a close relationship with the United States. Under pressure from the Lyndon B. Johnson administration, Marcos reversed his prior position by permitting Philippine involvement in the Vietnam War in the form of the Philippine Civic Action Group (PHILCAG), a combat engineer unit, despite some opposition within the Philippine Congress.^{[121][122][123]} PHILCAG were involved from the middle of 1966, growing to a strength of 1,600 troops by 1968. Between 1966 and 1970, over 10,000 Filipino soldiers served in Vietnam, mainly involved in civilian infrastructure projects.^{[124]: 102–103 [125]}

Despite his alignment with the United States, Marcos also pursued informal alignment with the Soviet Union within the Sino-Soviet split. The Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas-1930 (PKP-1930), which had supported his 1965 election and was Soviet-aligned, was challenged by the Communist Party of the Philippines, which was Maoist, in 1968. Although PKP-1930 was officially illegal, Marcos appointed some members to positions within his government as salaried researchers, and they were then used as an informal channel of negotiation with the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc.^[126][127]

During his first term, Marcos developed close relationships with Philippine military officers and significantly expanded the armed forces by allowing loyal generals to remain in their positions past their age of retirement. Loyal officers who did retire were granted positions in his government. He also significantly expanded the military budget, utilizing military personnel for civic projects such as school construction. In an unprecedented move, Marcos chose to concurrently serve as his own defense secretary, giving him direct control over the military. In 1968, Senator Ninoy Aquino accused Marcos of trying to establish a "garrison state."^[118][128]

Jabidah massacre and Moro conflict

In March 1968, Jibin Arula testified that he had been the lone survivor of a group of Moro army recruits that had been executed en masse on Corregidor by the Armed Forces of the Philippines on March 18, 1968, which came to be known as the Jabidah massacre.^[129][130] Arula's allegations were the subject of a critical exposé by Ninoy Aquino and became a major catalyst of the Moro insurgency.^{[130][131][132]} When none of the officers implicated in the massacre were convicted, many Filipino Muslims, especially intellectuals and educated youth, were enraged. They came to believe that the Manila government had little regard for their safety or interests, and efforts at integration and accommodation were abandoned.^{[130][133][134][135][136]} Dissent led to the formation of the Muslim Independence Movement in 1968, which later consolidated with the Bangsamoro Liberation Organization to form the Moro National Liberation Front in October 1972.^[137]

Second term (1969–72)

Marcos's second term was characterized by social unrest, beginning with the 1969 balance of payments crisis, which was triggered by exuberant infrastructure spending.^[118] Opposition groups began to form, with moderate opposition calling for political reform and radicals espousing revolutionary ideology.^{[138][139][140]} A period of unrest and political violence culminated in Marcos's 1972 declaration of martial law, ending his term early and establishing himself as the constitutional dictator of the Philippines.^[26]

1969 presidential campaign and balance of payments crisis

The 1969 reelection campaign of Ferdinand Marcos started in July 1969 when incumbent President Ferdinand Marcos was unanimously nominated as the Nacionalista's presidential candidate, and concluded when Marcos won an unprecedented second term.^[141] With Fernando Lopez as his running mate, he defeated the Liberal slate of Sergio Osmeña Jr. (son of former President Sergio Osmeña), and Genaro Magsaysay (younger brother of late President Ramon Magsaysay).^[142]

During the campaign, Marcos launched US$50 million worth in infrastructure projects.^[143] Marcos was reported to have spent PHP100 for every PHP1 that his opponent Osmeña spent, including PHP24 million in Cebu alone.^[144]

Time and Newsweek called the 1969 election the "dirtiest, most violent and most corrupt" in modern Philippine history. The term "Three Gs", meaning "guns, goons, and gold" was used to describe the administration's election tactics of vote-buying, terrorism and ballot snatching.^{[144][145][146][147]}

Marcos' spending during the campaign triggered a balance of payments crisis.^[148] Marcos asked the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for help, and the IMF offered a debt restructuring deal. Compliant policies were enacted, including a greater emphasis on exports and the relaxation of peso controls. The peso was allowed to decline, resulting in inflation and social unrest.^[149]

Assassination plot and social unrest

Early in Marcos's second term, Philippine and United States government officials alleged that a group composed mostly of retired military officers, headed by Liberal Party official Terry Adevoso, had organized a revolutionary junta which sought to discredit and kill Marcos. The plot allegedly included Vice President Fernando Lopez.^{[150][151][152]}

In addition to private opposition seeking to supplant Marcos, citizens concerned with the economic crisis and Marcos's spending policies challenged his political program.^[153] In addition to the student revolts, political opposition to the Marcos government grew. Opposition senators Lorenzo Tañada, Jovito Salonga, and Jose W. Diokno accused Marcos of seeking to exceed the two-term constitutional limitation and of increasing authoritarianism.^[118][153] Organizations opposing Marcos during this period included the NUS, National Students League, and the Movement of Concerned Citizens for Civil Liberties (MCCCL), led by Diokno. The MCCCL staged mass rallies, attracting as many as 50 thousand attendees.^[139][140] Media reports classified the various opposition groups as either "moderate" or "radical."^[139] Moderates included Catholic organizations, civil libertarians, and nationalist politicians who sought political reforms.^[138] Radicals included labor and student groups who wanted more systemic social and economic reform.^[138][140]

By 1970, campus study sessions on Marxism–Leninism in the Philippines had become common, and many students joined organizations associated with the National Democracy movement, included the Kabataang Makabayan (led by Jose Maria Sison), Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan, and Malayang Pagkakaisa ng Kabataang Pilipino.^{[138][140][154][155][156]} The Marcos administration often made no distinction between the moderate political opposition and the student revolutionaries.^[157] Consistent with the Cold War geopolitical framework, in which the Philippines was a key regional ally of the United States against the Chinese Communist Party, Marcos broadly labeled his opposition as communist or more specifically, Maoist. With the participation of the armed forces, Marcos waged a campaign to eliminate the Communist Party of the Philippines. emphasizing it as a threat to Philippine society.^{[153][158]: 43 [159][160]} According to Richard J. Kessler, Marcos "mythologized the group, investing it with a revolutionary aura that only attracted more supporters."

Marcos responded to the civil unrest in his January 26, 1970 State of the Nation address. During the address, the National Union of Students (NUS) organized a protest outside Congress, inviting other students to join. As Marcos and his wife Imelda left the building, the students threw stones, a stuffed alligator, and a coffin at them.^[161] Opposition groups quickly grew on campuses. Students declared a week-long boycott of classes and instead met to organize rallies.^[138][139] Protests led by student groups continued through the end of the university semester in March, and Marcos deployed military force to quell the demonstrators. This period became known as the First Quarter Storm.^{[140][162][158]} Another major protest took place on January 30, in front of the presidential palace. Activists rammed through the palace gate with a fire truck and charged the grounds, tossing rocks, pillboxes, and Molotov cocktails. At least two activists were killed, and several were injured by police.^[163] Further major protests included a rally on February 12; a rally on February 18 which set fire to the lobby of the United States embassy; a demonstration on February 26; and marches on March 3 and 17. Some media accounts collectively called these the "seven deadly protests of the First Quarter Storm."^[164][165]

In total, the protests included 50 to 100 thousand participants. The violent response to the protest further radicalized some moderate students against the Marcos government.^{[165][166][167]} A significant number of activists did join the Communist Party of the Philippines, and began to relocate from the cities to be more extensively deployed in rural areas, where some became guerillas.^[168][169] On December 29, 1970, Philippine Military Academy instructor Victor Corpus defected from the armed forced to join the armed wing of the Communist Party, the New People's Army (NPA), in a raid on the academy armory, capturing rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers, a bazooka and thousands of rounds of ammunition.^[170] In 1972, Mao Zedong supplied 1,200 M14 and AK-47 rifles to the NPA aboard the MV Karagatan to aid its campaign to defeat the government, part of the people's war doctrine.^{[171][172][173]}

1971 constitutional convention

Statesmen and politicians opposed to the Marcos administration mostly focused on political and legal reform, including reform of elections and a call for Marcos to comply with the constitutional two-term limit.^[118][140] During his first term, on March 16, 1967, opposition politicians in the Philippine Congress had passed Resolution No. 2, calling for a constitutional convention to address these reforms. Marcos surprised his critics by endorsing the move; historians later noted that Marcos hoped the convention would eliminate the two-term limit on the presidency.^{[118][174][175]} On November 10, 1970, a special election was held to elect 320 convention delegates. Prominent delegates included former senators Raul Manglapus and Roseller T. Lim. Other notable figures who would have careers in politics included Hilario Davide Jr., Marcelo Fernan, Sotero Laurel, Nene Pimentel, Teofisto Guingona Jr., Raul Roco, Edgardo Angara, Dick Gordon, and Margarito Teves.^{[118]: 130 [176]}

The convention met on June 1, 1971 at Quezon City Hall.^[177] However, its proceedings were marred by politics and delay. The convention also suffered a serious blow to its credibility in May 1972, when a delegate exposed a bribery scheme implicating First Lady Imelda Marcos, in which delegates were paid to vote for Marcos's position.^{[118]: 133 [178]} The convention and the investigation into the bribery scheme were eventually shelved when Marcos declared martial law in September 1972 and had eleven opposition delegates arrested.^[179]

Plaza Miranda bombing and false flag allegations

On August 21, 1971, a fatal bombing occurred at Plaza Miranda in Quiapo, Manila, where the Liberal Party was holding a political campaign rally. The government blamed the bombing on the Communist Party, and Marcos issued Proclamation No. 889, assuming emergency powers and suspending the writ of habeas corpus.^[180][181] During this period, the government ignored any distinction between moderates and radicals. In response to political persecution, many moderates to join the radicals, massively expanding the underground socialist resistance.^{[140][167][165][182]} After the end of military rule, unnamed former Communist officials blamed the Plaza Miranda bombing on Jose Maria Sison, whom they said had calculated the bombings to provoke Marcos into further political repression. Sison has denied these claims or any involvement by Aquino or the Communist Party, and the Communist Party has never offered official confirmation.^{[183][184][185]} Some historians claim Marcos was responsible for the Plaza Miranda bombing, as he is known to have used false flag operations as a pretext for martial law.^[186][187] United States intelligence documents declassified in the 1990s contained evidence implicating Marcos, provided by a Central Intelligence Agency mole within the armed forces.^[188]

In 1972, a series of bombings in Metro Manila occurred. Marcos again blamed the communists, although the only suspects caught were linked to the Philippine Constabulary. The government also claimed that Ninoy Aquino was involved in the plot.^[189][190] The first of these bombings took place on March 15, 1972, and the last took place on September 11, 1972,^[191] twelve days before martial law was announced on September 23 of that year. Martial law was put to a vote in the 1973 Philippine martial law referendum which was marred with controversy^{[29]: 191 [124]} resulting in 90.77% support. Marcos

Another alleged false flag attack occurred in 1972, when the government staged an attempted assassination of defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile.

Military dictatorship (1972–1981)

On the evening of September 23, 1972, Marcos declared martial law in the Philippines.^[26] This marked the beginning of a 14-year period of one-man rule lasting until Marcos went into exile on February 25, 1986. Even though martial law was formally lifted on January 17, 1981, Marcos retained virtually all of his powers until he was ousted by the EDSA Revolution.^[192] President Nixon approved Marcos's subsequent martial law initiative.^[188]

Marcos's declaration became known on September 23, 1972, when press secretary Francisco Tatad announced^{[193][26][27]} that Proclamation № 1081 would extend Marcos's rule beyond the two-term constitutional limit.^[194] Ruling by decree, he almost dissolved press freedom and other civil liberties, closed down Congress and the media, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including Benigno Aquino Jr., Jovito Salonga and Jose W. Diokno.^[195][196] Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a "New Society" based on new social and political values.

The early years of martial law met public approval,^{[197][198]: 217} as it was believed to have caused crime rates to drop.^[199]

However, unlike Ninoy Aquino's Senate colleagues who were detained without charges, Ninoy, together with communist NPA leaders Lt. Corpuz and Bernabe Buscayno, was charged with murder, illegal possession of firearms and subversion.^[200]

Bagong Lipunan (New Society)

One of Marcos' rationalizations for martial law stated that there was a need to "reform society"^[189]: 66 by placing it under the control of a "benevolent dictator" who could guide the undisciplined populace through a period of chaos.^{[189]: 29 [201]} He referred to this social engineering exercise as the bagong lipunan or "new society".^[202]: 13 His administration produced propaganda materials, including speeches, books, lectures, slogans, and numerous propaganda songs – to promote it.^{[202]: 13 [203][204]}

According to Marcos's book Notes on the New Society, his movement urged the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization.

The Marcos regime instituted a youth organization, known as Kabataang Barangay, which was led by Marcos's eldest daughter Imee. Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975, encouraged youths aged 15 to 18 to go to camps and do volunteer work.^{[205][206]: 130}

In October 1974, Marcos and PKP-1930 entered into a "national unity agreement" by which PKP-1930 would support New Society programs such as land reform, trade union reform, and including revitalized Soviet Bloc relations.^{[206]: 230 [207]}

To instill patriotism among Filipino citizens and prevent the growing number of Chinese schools from propagating foreign ideologies, Marcos issued Presidential Decree No. 176,^[208] preventing educational institutions from being established exclusively for foreigners or from offering curriculum exclusively for foreigners.^[209] It restricted Chinese language instruction to not more than 100 minutes/day.^[210]

Rolex 12 and the military

Along with Marcos, members of his Rolex 12 circle such as Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law. The three remained Marcos' closest advisers until he was ousted. Peripheral members of the Rolex 12 included Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco Jr. and Lucio Tan.

Between 1972 and 1976, Marcos increased the size of the Philippine military from 65,000 to 270,000 personnel, in response to South Vietnam falling into the hands of North Vietnam and other communist successes in South East Asia. Military officers were placed on the boards of media corporations, public utilities, development projects, and other private corporations, most of whom were highly educated graduates of the Philippine Military Academy. Marcos also supported the growth of a domestic weapons-manufacturing industry and increased military spending.^[211]

Many human rights abuses were attributed to the Philippine Constabulary then headed by future president Fidel V. Ramos. Marcos organized the Civilian Home Defense Force, a precursor to Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU) to battle communist and Islamic insurgencies. It was accused of inflicting human rights violations on leftists, the NPA, Muslim insurgents, and rebels.^[212]

Foreign policy

By 1977, the armed forces had quadrupled and over 60,000 Filipinos had been arrested for political reasons. In 1981, Vice President George H. W. Bush praised Marcos for his "adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic processes".^[d] No American military or politician in the 1970s ever publicly questioned Marcos' authority to fight communism in South East Asia.

From the declaration of martial law in 1972 until 1983, the US government provided $2.5 billion in bilateral military and economic aid to Marcos, and about $5.5 billion through multilateral institutions such as the World Bank.^[217] During the Carter administration (1977–1981) the relationship with the US had soured somewhat when Carter targeted the Philippines in his human rights campaign. Despite this, the Carter administration provided military aid to the Marcos regime.^[218]

A 1979 US Senate report stated that US officials were aware, as early as 1973, that Philippine government agents were in the United States to harass Filipino dissidents. In June 1981, two anti-Marcos labor activists were assassinated outside a union hall in Seattle. On at least one occasion, CIA agents blocked FBI investigations of Philippine agents.^[219] By 1984, US president Ronald Reagan started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even during martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos's rule over the years,^[220]

Pre-Marcos, the Philippines had maintained a close relationship with Taiwan's Kuomintang-ruled Republic of China (ROC) government. Prior administrations had seen the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a security threat, due to its financial and military support of communist rebels.^[221]

By 1969, however, Ferdinand Marcos started publicly asserting the need for the Philippines to establish a diplomatic relationship with the People's Republic of China. In his 1969 State of the Nation Address, he said:^[222]

We, in Asia must strive toward a modus vivendi with Red China. I reiterate this need, which is becoming more urgent each day. Before long, Communist China will have increased its striking power a thousand fold with a sophisticated delivery system for its nuclear weapons. We must prepare for that day. We must prepare to coexist peaceably with Communist China.

— Ferdinand Marcos, January 1969

In June 1975, President Marcos visited the PRC and signed a Joint Communiqué normalizing relations between the Philippines and China. Among other things, the Communiqué stated that "there is but one China and that Taiwan is an integral part of Chinese territory..." In turn, Chinese prime minister Zhou Enlai pledged that China would not intervene in the internal affairs of the Philippines nor seek to impose its policies in Asia, a move that isolated the local communist movement that China had financially and militarily supported.^[223][224]

The Washington Post, in an interview with former Philippine Communist Party officials, stated that, "they (local communist party officials) wound up languishing in China for 10 years as unwilling "guests" of the (Chinese) government, feuding bitterly among themselves and with the party leadership in the Philippines".^[183]

The government subsequently captured NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno in 1976 and Jose Maria Sison in 1977.^[224]

1978 parliamentary election

By 1977, reports of "gross human rights violations" had led to pressure from the international community. US president Jimmy Carter pressured the Marcos Administration to release Ninoy Aquino and to hold parliamentary elections to demonstrate that some "normalization" had begun after the declaration of martial law.^[225]: 168 Marcos did not release Aquino, but announced that the 1978 Philippine parliamentary election would be held.^[225]: 168

The April 7 elections were for 166 (of the 208) regional representatives to the Interim Batasang Pambansa (parliament). The elections were contested by parties including Ninoy Aquino's new party, the Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN) and the regime's party known as the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL).

LABAN fielded 21 candidates for the Metro Manila area^[226] including Ninoy, activist Jerry Barican, labor leader Alex Boncayao,^[227] Neptali Gonzales, Teofisto Guingona Jr. Ramon Mitra Jr., Aquilino Pimentel Jr., journalist Napoleon Rama, publisher Alejandro Roces, and poet-playwright Francisco Rodrigo.

Irregularities noted during the election included "prestuffed ballot boxes, phony registration, 'flying voters', manipulated election returns, and vote buying",^[198]: 306 and LABAN's campaigning faced restrictions,^[198] including Marcos's refusal to let Aquino out of prison to campaign. All of the party's candidates, including Aquino, lost.

Marcos's KBL party won 137 seats, while Pusyon Bisaya led by future Minority Floor Leader Hilario Davide Jr., won 13 seats.

Prime minister

In 1978, Ferdinand Marcos became Prime Minister of the Philippines, marking the return of the position for the first time since the terms of Pedro Paterno and Jorge Vargas during the American occupation. Based on Article 9 of the 1973 constitution, it had broad executive powers typical of prime ministers in other countries. The position was the official head of government, and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. All of the previous powers of the president from the 1935 Constitution were transferred to the prime minister. The prime minister also acted as head of the National Economic Development Authority. Upon his re-election to the presidency in 1981, Marcos was succeeded as prime minister by an American-educated leader and Wharton graduate, Cesar Virata, who was elected as an Assemblyman (Member of the Parliament) from Cavite in 1978.

End of martial law

After amending the constitution and enacting legislative,^[124]: 73 Marcos issued Proclamation 2045, which lifted martial law, on January 17, 1981,^[228] without restoring habeas corpus for rebellion and subversion-related crimes. The lifting of martial law was synchronized with the election of US president Ronald Reagan and the visit of Pope John Paul II, to get support from Reagan and minimize Papal criticism.^{[124]: 73 [229]}

Third term and ouster (1981–1986)

On June 16, 1981, six months after lifting martial law, the first presidential election in twelve years was held. President Marcos ran while the major opposition parties, the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO), a coalition of opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the election. Marcos won a massive victory.^[230]

Marcos' third inauguration took place on Tuesday, June 30, 1981, at the Quirino Grandstand in Manila.^[231] Then U.S. Vice President George H. W. Bush, Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, future president of China Yang Shangkun and Thai Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanonda attended. At the inauguration, Bush had infamous praise for Marcos: "We love your adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic process."^[232]

Armed conflict with the CPP–NPA

Under martial law the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People's army was a period of significant growth.^{[158]: 43 [153]} This continued into the 1980s. The NPA established itself in urban areas while the NDF formed relationships with legal opposition organizations – all despite Marcos' claims in January 1981 that the conflict had been "substantially contained".^{[124]: 73 [228]} The killing of key leaders in Davao City in the opening years of the 1980s led the administration to claim that the CPP "backbone" in the south had broken,"^[233] But the remaining leaders soon began to experiment with new tactics including urban insurrection, leading the international press to label Davao City as the "Killing Fields", and as "the Philippines' 'Murder Capital'".^[234] The violence reached its peak in 1985 with 1,282 military and police deaths and 1,362 civilian deaths.^[224]

Recession

The Marcos administration's spending had relied heavily on debt since Marcos's first term in the 60s. This left the Philippines vulnerable when high inflation caused the US to raise interest rates from 1980 to 1982, which caused US recessions in 1980 and 1981.^[235][236] The Philippine economy went into decline in 1981. Economic and political instability combined to produce the worst recession in Philippine history in 1984 and 1985, with the economy contracting by 7.3% for two successive years^[236] and poverty incidence at 49%.^[237]

Aquino assassination

On August 21, 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated on the tarmac at Manila International Airport. He had returned to the Philippines after three years in exile in the United States, where he had a heart bypass operation after Marcos allowed him to leave the Philippines to seek medical care. Prior to his heart surgery, Ninoy, along with his two co-accused, NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, were sentenced to death by a military commission on charges of murder, illegal possession of firearms and subversion.^[200]

A few months before his assassination, Ninoy had decided to return to the Philippines after his research fellowship from Harvard University had ended. The opposition blamed Marcos directly for the assassination while others blamed the military and Imelda Marcos. Popular speculation pointed to three suspects; the first was Marcos himself through his military chief Fabian Ver; the second theory pointed to Imelda, who had her own designs now that her ailing husband seemed to be getting weaker, and the third was that Danding Cojuangco planned the assassination to serve his own political ambitions.^[238] The 1985 acquittals of Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers charged with the crime were widely seen as a whitewash and a miscarriage of justice.

On November 22, 2007, Pablo Martinez, one of the soldiers convicted in the Aquino assassination, alleged that Marcos crony Danding Cojuangco had ordered the assassination while Marcos was recuperating from his kidney transplant. Cojuangco was the cousin of Aquino's wife Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. Martinez alleged that only he and Galman knew of the assassination, and that Galman was the actual shooter, which is not corroborated by other evidence.^[239]

After the February 1986 People Power revolution swept Aquino's widow to the presidency, the Supreme Court ordered a reinvestigation of the assassination.^[240][241] The Sandiganbayan convicted 16 military personnel for the murder, ruling that Constable 1st Class Rogelio Moreno, one of the military escorts assigned to Aquino, "fired the fatal shot" that killed Aquino, not Galman.^[242][240]

Impeachment attempt

In August 1985, 56 Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for the impeachment of President Marcos for alleged diversion of US aid for personal use,^{[188]: 167–168} citing a July 1985 San Jose Mercury News exposé of the Marcos's multimillion-dollar US investments and property holdings.

The properties included the Crown Building, Lindenmere Estate, residential apartments, a shopping center, mansions (in London, Rome, and Honolulu), the Helen Knudsen Estate, and three condominiums.

The Assembly included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds "for the construction of the Manila Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic films are exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions." The impeachment attempt gained little traction, however, even in the light of this incendiary charge; the committee to which the impeachment resolution was referred did not recommend it, and any momentum for removing Marcos under constitutional processes soon died.

Physical decline

During his third term, Marcos's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, as a complication of a chronic autoimmune disease lupus erythematosus. He had a kidney transplant in August 1983, and when his body rejected the first kidney transplant, he underwent a second transplant in November 1984.^[243] A palace physician who alleged that during one of these periods Marcos had undergone a kidney transplant was shortly afterwards found murdered. Police said he was kidnapped and slain by communist rebels.^[243] Many people questioned whether Marcos had capacity to govern, due to his illness and the burgeoning political unrest.^[206]: 289 With Marcos ailing, Imelda emerged as the government's main public figure.

Economic performance

The economic history of the Philippines during the Marcos regime (1965-1986) was a period of economic stress.^{[244][245][246][247]}

The first years of Ferdinand Marcos' administration continued the growth of previous administrations of the Third Philippine Republic, peaking at nearly 9 percent in 1973 and 1976. However, in the later years, the worst recession in Philippine history occurred, with the economy contracting by 7.3% in both 1984 and 1985.^{[244][248][249]}

The dramatic rise and fall of the Philippine economy during this period is attributed to the Marcos administration's use of foreign loans (debt-driven as opposed to productivity-driven growth).^{[250][251][252]}

Philippine Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew from $5.27 billion in 1964 to $37.14 billion in 1982,^[253][254] before declining to $30.7 billion in 1985.^[253] This included growth from $8 billion in 1972 to $32.45 billion in 1980 – 6%/year, its best results since 1945.^[255] The economy grew despite global oil shocks following the 1973 and 1979 energy crises.^[254]

However, its policy of establishing monopolies resulted in significant income inequality,^[256] corruption, and capital flight.^{[246][257][258][259]} Average monthly wage income fell by 20% from 1972 to 1980. By 1981, the wealthiest 10% of the population was receiving twice as much income as the bottom 60%.^[260] Poverty grew from 41% in the 1960s to 59% in 1986.^{[254][261][262]} The unemployment rate increased from 3.9% in 1975 to 12.6% in 1985.^[263]

The external debt of the Philippines rose more than 70-fold from $360 million in 1962 to US$2.3 billion in 1970 to US$17.2 billion in 1980 to $26.2 billion in 1985,^[264] leaving the Philippines one of Asia's most indebted nations.^[251] At the end of 1979, the ratio of debt to GDP was about the same as South Korea.^[254]

During his reign, the peso fell from 3.9 to 20.53 to the US dollar.

Economy of the Philippines under
President Ferdinand Marcos
1966–1971

Population
1967	${\displaystyle \approx }$ 33.71 million
Gross Domestic Product (1985 constant prices)
1966	₱285,886 million
1971	₱361,791 million
Growth rate, 1966–71 average	4.75%
Per capita income (1985 constant prices)
1967	₱8,932
1971	₱9,546
Total exports
1966	₱70,254 million
1971	₱63,626 million
Exchange rates
USD1 = ₱6.44 ₱1 = USD0.16
Sources:[265]

Snap election, People Power Revolution, and ouster (1986)

1986 snap election

In late 1985, in the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a snap election with more than a year left in his term. He selected Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. The opposition to Marcos united behind two American-educated leaders, Aquino's widow, Corazon, and her running mate, Salvador Laurel.^[266][267]

Marcos's World War II medals were first questioned by the foreign press during this campaign. During a campaign in Manila's Tondo district, Marcos retorted:^[268]

You who are here in Tondo and fought under me and who were part of my guerrilla organization—you answer them, these crazy individuals, especially the foreign press. Our opponents say Marcos was not a real guerrilla. Look at them. These people who were collaborating with the enemy when we were fighting the enemy. Now they have the nerve to question my war record. I will not pay any attention to their accusation.

— Ferdinand Marcos, January 1986

Marcos was referring to both presidential candidate Corazon Aquino's father-in-law Benigno Aquino Sr. and vice presidential candidate Salvador Laurel's father, former president José P. Laurel.

The elections were held on February 7, 1986.^[269] The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, the partial 69% tally of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,502,601 votes against Marcos's 6,787,556 votes. Cheating was reported on both sides.^[270] This electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and election tampering.

The fraud culminated in the walkout of 35 COMELEC computer technicians to advance their claim that the official election results were manipulated to favor Ferdinand Marcos, according to their testimonies, which were never validated. The walkout was led by Linda Kapunan^[271] and the technicians were protected by Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) officers led by her husband, Lt. Col. Eduardo "Red" Kapunan.

In the last months of Marcos's administration, the Soviet Union stepped up relations and was the only major country to officially congratulate Marcos on his disputed election victory.^[272][273] Marcos had provided favors to the Soviets such as allowing the banned Philippine Communist Party to visit the Soviet Union for consultations.^{[272][274][126]} A UPI article from March 1986 reported, "Diplomats in Moscow believe the Soviet government totally misjudged Marcos' power to control events. They speculate that Moscow considered his control of legal bodies and his readiness to be 'ruthless' would thwart any popular opposition."^[272]

1986 RAM coup and People Power Revolution

The election gave a decisive boost to the "People Power movement". Enrile and Ramos later abandoned Marcos, switched sides and sought protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution, backed by fellow-American educated Eugenio Lopez Jr., Jaime Augusto Zobel de Ayala, and the old political and economic elites. RAM, led by Lt. Col. Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan and backed by Enrile had plotted a coup d'état to seize Malacañang and kill Marcos and his family.^[275]

At the height of the revolution, Enrile claimed that a purported ambush attempt against him years earlier was in fact faked, in order for Marcos to have a pretext for imposing martial law. Enrile later retracted this statement, and in 2012, he claimed that the ambush was real.^[276] Marcos continually maintained that he was the duly elected president for a fourth term, but was unfairly and illegally deprived of his right to serve it. On February 25, 1986, rival presidential inaugurations were held,^[277] but as Aquino supporters overran parts of Manila and seized state broadcaster PTV-4, Marcos was forced to flee.^[278]

Exile (1986–1989)

Fleeing to Hawaii

At 15:00 PST (GMT+8) on February 25, 1986, Marcos talked to United States senator Paul Laxalt, a close associate of President Reagan, asking for advice. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment.^[279] In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family, including close allies such as General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four Sikorsky HH-3E helicopters^[280] to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boarding US Air Force C-130 planes bound for Andersen Air Force Base in Guam, and finally to Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26.^[281] He also brought with him 22 crates of cash valued at $717 million, 300 crates of assorted jewelry, $4 million worth of unset precious gems, 65 Seiko and Cartier watches, a 12 by 4 ft box full of pearls, a 3 ft solid gold statue covered in diamonds and other precious stones, $200,000 in gold bullion, nearly $1 million in Philippine pesos, and deposit slips to banks in the United States, Switzerland, and the Cayman Islands worth $124 million.^[282] His mother, Josefa, was left in Malacañang Palace. She died in 1988.^[283]

Initially, there was confusion in Washington as to what to do with Marcos and the 90 members of his entourage.^[284] Given the special relations Marcos nurtured with Reagan, the former had expectations of favorable treatment. However, Reagan kept his distance. The State Department in turn assigned former deputy chief of mission to Manila, Robert G. Rich Jr. to be the point of contact. The entourage was first billeted inside the housing facilities of Hickam Air Force Base. The State Department announced the Marcoses were not immune from legal charges, and within weeks hundreds of cases had been filed against them.^[285]

Throughout his stay in Hawaii, he and his family enjoyed a high life, living in a luxurious house in Makiki Heights, as Imelda entertained guests at parties,^[286] while Filipinos back in the Philippines suffered under the debt Marcos incurred.^[287]

When protestors stormed Malacañang Palace shortly after their departure, it was notoriously discovered that Imelda had left behind over 2,700 pairs of shoes.^[288] The protesters looted and vandalized the palace, many stole documents, jewelry, food, typewriters, etc.^[289]

The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the revolution. Contrary to the widely-held notion that the protests were limited to Manila, protests against Marcos also occurred in the provinces and on the islands of Visayas and Mindanao.^[290][291]

Plans to return and "The Marcos Tapes"

More than a year after the revolution, it was revealed to the United States House Foreign Affairs subcommittee in 1987 that Marcos held an intention to return to the Philippines and overthrow the Aquino government. American attorney Richard Hirschfeld and business consultant Robert Chastain, both of whom posed as arms dealers, gained knowledge of a plot by gaining Marcos's trust and secretly recorded their conversations with the ousted leader.

According to Hirschfeld, he was first invited by Marcos to a party held at the latter's family residence in Honolulu. After hearing that one of Hirschfeld's clients was Saudi Sheikh Mohammad Fassi, Marcos's interest was piqued because he had done business with Saudis in the past. A few weeks later, Marcos asked for help with securing a passport from another country, in order to travel to the Philippines while bypassing travel restrictions imposed by the Philippines and United States governments. This failed, however, and subsequently Marcos asked Hirschfeld to arrange a $10-million loan from Fassi.

On January 12, 1987, Marcos stated to Hirschfeld that he required another $5-million loan "in order to pay 10,000 soldiers $500 each as a form of "combat life insurance". When asked by Hirschfeld if he was talking about an invasion of the Philippines, Marcos responded, "Yes". Hirschfeld stated that Marcos said that he was negotiating with several arms dealers to purchase up to $18 million worth of weapons, including tanks and heat-seeking missiles, and enough ammunition to "last an army three months".

Marcos had thought of flying to his hometown in Ilocos Norte and initiating a plot to kidnap Corazon Aquino. "What I would like to see happen is we take her hostage", Marcos told Chastain. "Not to hurt her ... no reason to hurt her ... to take her."

Learning of this plan, Hirschfeld contacted the US Department of Justice, and was asked for further evidence. This information eventually reached President Ronald Reagan, who placed Marcos under "island arrest", further limiting his movement.^[292][293]

Legal cases

Within two weeks of his arrival to the United States, hundreds of criminal and civil cases against the Marcos clique were filed in Hawaii, San Francisco, and New York.^[285] Marcos made personal appeals to Reagan to put a stop to these cases. In June 1988 National Security Advisor Colin Powell recommended proceeding with indictments of the Marcoses, as he reviewed the cases as forwarded by United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York Rudy Giuliani. Reagan tacitly approved.^[294] On August 4, Marcos stated that he had head of state immunity to resist subpoenas by a federal grand jury to produce his finger and palm prints, and failed to consent to investigators to review his bank accounts. By August 18, a bench warrant of arrest was issued against the Marcoses. By October of that year, Reagan personally wrote to Marcos informing him that he believed in his innocence of the charges against him, but reminding him that the case was out of his hands. He assured him that they would have every opportunity to prove their innocence.^[295]

Giuliani pressed for indicting the Marcoses for violating the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO). The RICO Act focuses specifically on racketeering and allows the leaders of a syndicate to be tried for the crimes they ordered others to do or assisted them in doing. For example, before RICO, a person who instructed someone else to murder could be exempt from prosecution because they did not personally commit the crime. In his next letter to President Reagan on October 20, Marcos complained that Giuliani was giving them nothing but an ultimatum to plead guilty, and even to testify against others, including his own family.^[295]

Personal life

Ferdinand was baptized and raised into the Philippine Independent Church.^[124]: 23

Marcos lived with a common-law wife, Carmen Ortega, an Ilocana mestiza who was 1949 Miss Press Photography. They had three children and resided for about two years at 204 Ortega Street in San Juan. In August 1953, their engagement was announced in Manila dailies.^[4]

Not much is known about what happened to Ortega and their children. He subsequently converted to Catholicism in later life to marry Imelda Trinidad Romualdez.^[296] They married on April 17, 1954, 11 days after they first met. They had three biological children: Imee, Bongbong and Irene Marcos.^[297] Marcos's fourth child with Ortega was born after his marriage to Imelda.^[59] Marcos and Imelda later adopted a daughter, Aimee.^[298]

Marcos had an affair with American actress Dovie Beams from 1968 to 1970. According to reports by the Sydney Morning Herald, Marcos also had an affair with former Playboy model Evelin Hegyesi around 1970 and sired a child with her, Analisa Josefa.^[299][300]

Death and burial

Marcos was admitted to the hospital on January 15, 1989, with pneumonia and underwent a series of operations.^[301] In his dying days, Marcos was visited by Vice President Salvador Laurel.^[302] During the visit, Marcos offered to return 90% of his ill-gotten wealth to the Filipino people in exchange for a burial in the Philippines beside his mother, an offer also disclosed to Enrique Zobel. However, Marcos's offer was rebuffed by the Aquino government and by Imelda.^{[303][304][305]}

Marcos died at St. Francis Medical Center in Honolulu at 12:40 a.m (HST) on September 28, 1989, of kidney, heart, and lung ailments, 17 days after his 72nd birthday.^[306] Moments after, the younger Ferdinand eulogised his late father by stating, "Hopefully friends and detractors alike will look beyond the man to see what he stood for: his vision, his compassion and his total love of country".^[307]

Marcos was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu.

The Aquino government refused to allow Marcos's body to be brought back to the Philippines, which ultimately happened four years later.^[308]

From 1993 to 2016, Marcos's remains were interred inside a refrigerated, frozen crypt in Batac, Ilocos Norte, where his son, Ferdinand Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee, became the local governor and congressional representative, respectively.

A large bust of Ferdinand Marcos (inspired by Mount Rushmore) was commissioned by the tourism minister, Jose Aspiras, and carved into a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed, allegedly by left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who had been displaced by construction of the monument, and looters hunting for the legendary Yamashita treasure.^[309]

On November 18, 2016, his remains were reburied at the Libingan ng mga Bayani ordered by President Rodrigo Duterte despite opposition from various groups. On the morning of November 18, using Philippine Armed Forces helicopters, his family and their supporters flew his remains from Ilocos to Manila for a private burial. This account was challenged and the physical location of his remains is disputed.^[1] Various groups protested the burial.^[310][311]

Trials and reparations

Roxas v. Marcos

Rogelio Roxas, a Filipino treasure hunter, discovered a 3-foot-tall golden Buddha statue in tunnels under the Baguio General Hospital in 1971. Roxas was later arrested and tortured by members of the military, and the statue was taken away. Upon exile of the Marcoses, Roxas assigned his rights to a friend in the United States and formed the Golden Buddha Corporation (GBC) who pursued the case against the former president. In 1996, the lower court awarded US$22 billion in favor of GBC, making this the largest award in a civil case in US history. In November 1998, the Hawaii Supreme Court overturned the ruling, but maintained an award of US$6 million for the illegal arrest and torture experienced by Roxas.^[312][313]

Sandiganbayan, Supreme Court, and international trials

On November 9, 2018, Imelda Marcos was found "guilty beyond reasonable doubt" by the Sandiganbayan of seven counts of graft for private organizations set up in Switzerland during her time as a government official from 1968 to 1986. In less than 20 days however, the Sandiganbayan listed Imelda's "advanced age" and health condition as considerations for allowing the accused to post bail. The Fifth Division's (of the Sandiganbayan) ruling read that "the fact that she is of advanced age and for health reasons, consistent with the doctrine in Enrile vs Sandiganbayan, bail is allowed for these seven cases".^[314] The Supreme Court of the Philippines affirmed that the family's assets, beyond their government salaries, are considered as ill-gotten wealth. In 1998 the Court acquitted Imelda Marcos of corruption charges from a previous graft conviction in 1993.

The US Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals confirmed a contempt judgement in relation to the assets of Imelda and her son Bongbong. Although on a different matter, this judgement awarded $353.6 million to human rights victims, which was arguably the largest contempt award ever affirmed by an appellate court.

Reparations

In 1995, some 10,000 Filipinos won a US class-action lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The claims were filed by victims or their surviving relatives consequent on torture, execution, and disappearances.^[315][316]

The Swiss government, initially reluctant to respond to allegations that stolen funds were held in Swiss accounts,^[317] returned $684 million of Marcos' holdings.^{[318][319][320]}

Corazon Aquino repealed many of the repressive laws enacted during Marcos's dictatorship. She restored the right of habeas corpus, repealed anti-labor laws and freed hundreds of political prisoners.^[29]: 361

From 1989 to 1996, a series of suits were brought before US courts against Marcos and his daughter Imee, alleging that they bore responsibility for executions, torture, and disappearances. A jury in the Ninth Circuit Court awarded US$2 billion to the plaintiffs and to a class composed of human rights victims and their families.^[321] On June 12, 2008, in Republic of Philippines v. Pimentel the US Supreme Court ruled 7–2 that, "The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to order the District Court to dismiss the interpleader action." The court dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino human rights victims (1972–1986) to recover US$35 million, part of a US$2 billion judgment in US courts against the Marcos estate, because the Philippines government is an indispensable party, protected by sovereign immunity. The Philippines government claimed ownership of the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 to Arelma S.A., which invested the money with Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., in New York.^{[322][323][324]} In July 2017, the Philippine Court of Appeals rejected the petition seeking to enforce the United States court decision.^[325]

In 2013, Philippine Congress passed Republic Act 10368 or the Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition Act of 2013.^[326] The law created the Human Rights Violations Claims Board and provided reparations to victims of summary execution, torture, enforced disappearances, and other human rights violations.^[327] Compensation came from P10 billion of stolen wealth seized by the government from the Marcoses.^[328] A total of 11,103 victims received compensation in 2018.^[326] A bill filed in Congress in 2020 proposed to compensate tens of thousands of people still not officially recognized as victims of state-sponsored violence.^[327]

Legacy

Marcos left a legacy of debt, hardship, and repression.^[329]

Human rights abuses

The Marcos regime committed human rights abuses against a long list of opponents. These included student activists such as Edgar Jopson and Rigoberto Tiglao,^[330] farmers such as Bernabe Buscayno,^[331] journalists such as Satur Ocampo,^[332][333] legal political opponents such as Ninoy Aquino,^[334] fellow candidates such as Alex Boncayao,^[335][226] and priests and nuns. Victims were commonly accused of supporting communist rebels^[336] or other leftists,^[212] or of joining or sympathizing with the CPP, NPA, or MNLF.^[337] Victims were rounded up without an arrest warrant and indefinitely detained without charge.^[153] In a keynote speech at the University of the East, journalist Raissa Robles described how anyone could be arrested (or abducted) with ease through Arrest Search and Seizure Orders (ASSO),^[338] which allowed the military or police to detain anyone, according to Rappler research.^{[339][340][341]}

A 1976 Amnesty International report listed 88 government torturers, including members of the Philippine Constabulary and the Philippine Army, which was under the direct control of Major General Ramos and Defense Minister Enrile.^[50][342] According to Rigoberto Tiglao, nearly all of the human rights abuses were committed by Philippine Constabulary units, especially through its national network of "Constabulary Security Units", whose heads reported directly to Ramos. The most dreaded of these was the Manila-based 5th Constabulary Security Unit (CSU), which featured dreaded torturer Lt. Rodolfo Aguinaldo,^[30][153] which was credited with capturing most of the Communist Party leaders including Sison and the Manila-Rizal Regional Committee he headed;^[343] the Metrocom Intelligence and Security Group (MISG)^[339] under the command of Col. Rolando Abadilla;^[30] and the Intelligence Service (ISAFP).^[153]

The various estimates of the scale of abuses include:

Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)^[344]

• 2,668 incidents of arrests
• 398 disappearances
• 1,338 salvagings
• 128 frustrated salvagings
• 1,499 killed or wounded in massacres

Amnesty International^[345]

• 70,000 imprisoned
• 34,000 tortured
• 3,240 documented as killed

Historian Alfred McCoy gives a figure of 3,257 recorded extrajudicial killings by the military from 1975 to 1985, 35,000 tortured and 70,000 incarcerated.^[30][346]

Bulatlat newspaper

• 120,000 victims of arbitrary arrest and detention
• 1,500 extrajudicial execution of activists under martial law

Human rights group Karapatan^[347]

• 759 involuntarily disappeared with their bodies never found.

Susan Quimpo, co-author of Subversive Lives^[348]

• 80,000 was a low figure for the number of persons incarcerated

In addition to these, up to 10,000 Moro Muslims were killed in massacres by the Philippine Army, Philippine Constabulary, and the Ilaga pro-government paramilitary group.^[349]

Abductions

Victims were often taken to military "safehouses"^[350] where abductees were tortured,^[351] often blindfolded.^[153][352] In a document titled "Open Letter to the Filipino People", martial law martyr Edgar "Edjop" Jopson described them: "Safehouses usually have their windows always shut tight. They are usually covered with high walls. One would usually detect [safehouses] through the traffic of motorcycles and cars, going in and out of the house at irregular hours. Burly men, armed with pistols tucked in their waists or in clutch bags, usually drive these vehicles."^[353]

Various forms of torture were used by the military, typically in combination.^[335]

Killings

Number of "salvage" cases (TFDP)^[153][354]

Year	No. of cases
1980	139
1981	218
1982	210
1983	368
1984	538
Total	1,473

Summary executions were common. Bodies were often recovered bearing signs of torture and mutilation.^[353][355] Such cases were referred to as "salvaging" a term widely believed to be derived from the Spanish word salvaje, meaning savage.^[356] Mutilated remains were often dumped on roadsides in order to instill fear and to intimidate opponents.^[30]

Anyone could be "salvaged": communists, suspects, innocent civilians and priests included. TFDP documented 1,473 "salvage" cases from 1980 to 1984 alone.^[153][354]

Victims included Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila student Liliosa Hilao,^[357] Archimedes Trajano, Juan Escandor,^[153] and 16-year-old Luis Manuel "Boyet" Mijares, whose body was found with burn marks, all his nails removed, 33 ice pick wounds, skull crushed, eyeballs gouged out, and genitals mutilated before he was dropped from a helicopter.^{[358][359][153]}

Enforced disappearances, also known as "desaparecidos" or "the disappeared" – people who suddenly went missing, sometimes without a trace and whose bodies were never recovered.^[360]

Victims include Primitivo "Tibo" Mijares,^[358] Emmanuel Alvarez, Albert Enriquez, Ma. Leticia Ladlad, Hermon Lagman,^[358] Mariano Lopez, Rodelo Manaog, Manuel Ontong, Florencio Pesquesa, Arnulfo Resus, Rosaleo Romano, Carlos Tayag, Emmanuel Yap,^[361] Jan Quimpo,^[358] Rizalina Ilagan, Christina Catalla, Jessica Sales and Ramon Jasul.^[362]

While the numbers of political detainees went down, the number of people killed rose and spiked in 1981, the year martial law was officially lifted by Marcos according to Task Force Detainees of the Philippines. According to Senator Jose W. Diokno, "As torture (cases) declined, a more terrible tactic emerged; unofficial executions" – suspected dissidents were simply arrested and vanished.^[153]

Murder victims include:

• Senator Ninoy Aquino, August 21, 1983, who was assassinated on the tarmac of Manila International Airport
• NPA commander Alex Boncayao,^[363]
• Macli-ing Dulag,
• Fr. Tulio Favali,^[335]
• Liliosa Hilao,
• Evelio Javier,
• Edgar Jopson,
• Emmanuel "Eman" Lacaba.

Civilian massacres

It is hard to judge the full extent of massacres and atrocities that happened during the Marcos regime due to heavy press censorship at the time.^[364] Civilian massacres include the following:

Civilian massacres

Location	Date	Group	Perpetrator	Casualties
Guinayangan, Quezon	February 1, 1981	coconut farmers[365] marched against the coco levy fund scam.[153]	The military opened fire on a group of 3000[153]	2 dead[366] and 27 wounded.[367]
Tudela, Misamis Occidental	August 24, 1981	The Gumapons Subanon family	Paramilitary members of the "Rock Christ", a fanatical pseudo-religious sect	10 of the 12 persons in the house were killed, including an infant.[367][368]
Las Navas, Northern Samar	September 15, 1981	(Sag-od massacre) residents of Barrio Sag-od	18 heavily armed security men of the San Jose Timber Corp. (owned by Enrile) who were also members of the Special Forces of the Civilian Home Defense Force (CHDF) and allied with the Lost Command (a paramilitary group pursuing insurgents)	45 men, women and children killed. 13 inhabitants survived.[153][367]
Culasi, Antique	December 19, 1981	400+ Culasi's mountain barangays protest a Philippine Constabulary company in their area and the reduction of taxes on farm products.	Military	Five dead and several injured[367]
Talugtug, Nueva Ecija	January 3, 1982	Five men rounded up were killed	Military	The military suspected them to be communist supporters.[367]
Dumingag, Zamboanga del Sur	February 12, 1982	Possible NPA members	Ilaga	12 dead.[367]
Hinunangan, Southern Leyte	March 23, 1982	Masaymon barrio	357th PC company	8 dead. Six were 3–18 years of age[367]
Bayog, Zamboanga del Sur	May 25, 1982	Barangay Dimalinao	Airplanes bombed the community because communist rebels killed 23 soldiers two days earlier.[153]	Initially 3 dead, 8 injured. Later 2 more dead.
Daet, Camarines Norte	June 14, 1982	People from different barrios marched to denounce "fake elections", Cocofed, and to demand an increase in copra prices.	Military	6 dead, 50+ injured[367]
Pulilan, Bulacan	June 21, 1982	Peasant organizers	Military - 175th PC Company	5 dead[367]
Labo, Camarines Norte	June 23, 1982	Unidentified men	45th Infantry Battalion's Mabilo detachment	5 dead.[367]
Roxas, Zamboanga del Norte		Family members[153][367]	Military/militia	8 dead
Gapan, Nueva Ecija		Bautista family	Unidentified men in camouflaged uniforms	5 dead[153][367]
Escalante, Negros Occidental	September 20, 1985	Escalante massacre[369] 5000 farmers, students, fisherfolk, and religious clergy	About 50 firemen, Regional Special Action Forces (RSAF) and Civilian Home Defense Force (CHDF)	20-30 dead[153] 30 wounded.[369]

Muslim massacres

Thousands of Moros were killed during the Marcos regime. They formed insurgent groups and separatist movements such as the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which became more radical with time.^[370] The Marcos regime killed hundreds of Moros before imposing martial law.^[371] The number of Moro victims killed by the Army, Philippine Constabulary, and the Ilaga (a government-sanctioned^[372] terrorist cult notorious for cannibalism and land grabbing that served as members of the CHDF)^[367] reached as high as 10,000 lives.^[349][373]

Known massacres of Moros

Name	Date	Perpetrator	Casualties	Context
Jabidah Massacre	March 1968		11 to 68 killed	Aftermath of an aborted operation to destabilize Sabah, Operation Merdeka.
Multiple	1970-1971	pro-government militias such as the Ilaga	21 massacres 518 dead, 184 injured and 243 houses burned down.[374][349]
Tacub Massacre in Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte	1971	Dozens dead	Military	five truckloads of displaced resident voters were stopped at a checkpoint. Summary execution.[371]
Manili massacre	June 1971	suspected Ilaga and Philippine Constabulary	70-79 dead	including women and children, killed inside a mosque.[374]
The Burning of Jolo, Sulu[364]	February 7–8, 1974	1,000 and possibly up to 20,000 dead	Military	fires and destruction in Jolo .[375] "the worst single atrocity to be recorded in 16 years of the Mindanao conflict" by the April 1986 issue of the Philippines Dispatch.[376]
Malisbong Massacre	September 1974	1,500 men were killed inside a mosque, 3,000 women and children were detained, and about 300 women raped[374]	Philippine Constabulary
Pata Island massacre	1982	3,000 Tausug civilians, including women and children dead	Military[374]
Tong Umapoy Massacre	1983	57 dead	Navy	attacked a passenger boat en route to an athletic event in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi.[372]

Family denial

Marcos family members deny any human rights violations.^[377]

Bongbong Marcos describes stories of human rights abuses as "self-serving statements by politicians, self-aggrandizement narratives, pompous declarations, and political posturing and propaganda."^[378][379]

Imee called the allegations political accusations. According to her, "If what is demanded is an admission of guilt, I don't think that's possible. Why would we admit to something we did not do?"^[380]

Ill-gotten wealth

In 2012, the Philippine Supreme Court ruled all Marcos assets beyond legally declared earnings/salary to be ill-gotten wealth^[381] and such wealth to have been forfeited to the government or human rights victims.^[382]

According to the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCOG), the Marcos family and their cronies looted so much wealth from the Philippines that investigators have not determined precisely how many billions were stolen.^[383] PCOG estimated that Marcos stole around $5 billion to $10 billion,^{[384][385][386][387]} while earning an annual salary equivalent to US$13,500.^[388]

Among the sources of the Marcos wealth are alleged to be diverted foreign aid, military aid (including to Marcos for sending Filipino troops to Vietnam) and kickbacks from public works contracts.^[389]

In 1990, Imelda Marcos was acquitted of charges that she raided the Philippine treasury by a US jury. She was acquitted because the jury deemed that US did not have jurisdiction.^[390][391] In 1993, she was convicted of graft in Manila for entering into three unfavourable lease contracts between a government-run transportation agency and another government-run hospital.^[392] In 1998, the Philippine Supreme Court overturned her conviction.^[393] In 2008, Philippine trial court judge Silvino Pampilo acquitted Imelda of 32 counts of illegal money transfer^[394] from the 1993 graft conviction.^[395] In 2010, she was ordered to repay the Philippine government almost $280,000 for funds taken in 1983.^[396] In 2012, a US Court of Appeals of the Ninth Circuit upheld a contempt judgement against Imelda and Bongbong for violating an injunction barring them from dissipating their assets, and awarded $353.6 million to human rights victims.^[397] As of October 2015, she faced 10 graft charges, and 25 civil cases,^[398][399] down from 900 in the 1990s, as most cases were dismissed for lack of evidence.^[400]

In the 2004 Global Corruption Report, Marcos appeared in the list of the world's most corrupt leaders, behind Suharto.^[401] One of Marcos's former ministers of industry, Vicente Paterno,^[402] noted that while the amount stolen by Marcos's regime probably fell short of Suharto, Marcos invested outside the Philippines, whereas Suharto mostly invested at home.^[402]

The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists' (ICIJ) exposé of offshore leaks accused Imee of hiding wealth in tax havens in the British Virgin Islands.^[403][404]

In 2014, Imelda's former secretary Vilma Bautista was sentenced to prison for conspiring to sell a Monet, Sisley, and other masterpieces.^[405][406]

On May 9, 2016, ICIJ released the Panama Papers.^[407] Imee and Irene^[408] were named, along grandsons Fernando Manotoc, Matthew Joseph Manotoc, and Ferdinand Richard Manotoc, his son-in-law Gregorio Maria Araneta III,^[409] including his son-in-law Tommy Manotoc's relatives Ricardo Gabriel Manotoc and Teodoro Kalaw Manotoc.^[410]

On September 3, 2017, then President Rodrigo Duterte said the Marcos family was ready to transfer their wealth to the government.^[411] In January 2018, a draft House Bill proposing a settlement and immunity for the Marcoses was received by the Duterte government in July 2017.^[412][413]

Overseas investments

The overseas landholdings of the Marcos family, which the Philippine government^[414][415] and the United Nations System's Stolen Asset Recovery Initiative^[416] consider part of the $5 billion to $13 billion "ill-gotten wealth" of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, are said to be distributed worldwide in places including California, Washington, New York, Rome, Vienna, Australia, Antilles, the Netherlands, Hong Kong, Switzerland and Singapore.^[417]: 423 These are aside from the fifty-or-so Marcos mansions acquired by the Marcos family in the Philippines itself.^[418]

The best known^[417][419] of these properties are the Marcoses' multimillion dollar real estate investments in the United States,^[420]: 16 particularly Imelda's purchases of buildings and real estate in New York,^[421] the estates purchased in New Jersey for the use of the Marcos children,^[422] Jose Yao Campos's investments in Seattle,^[423] various properties in Hawaii including the Makiki Heights estate where they lived during their exile,^[424] and their ownership of the California Overseas Bank in Los Angeles.^[417][425] According to Ricardo Manapat's book Some Are Smarter Than Others, which was one of the earliest to document details of the Marcos wealth,^[426] lesser-known properties include gold and diamond investments in South Africa, banks and hotels in Israel, and various landholdings in Austria, London, and Rome.^[417]

Many of these properties are said to have been acquired under the name of several Marcos cronies.^[420] One of them, Jose Yao Campos, cooperated with the Philippine government and made an immunity deal, revealing how he fronted Marcos's investments both locally and abroad via numerous interlocking shell corporations.^[420][427]

Monopolies

During the administration of former Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos (1965–1986) select businesses were favored and patronized by Marcos, receiving financial support, sole patronage, tax exemptions, and control over entire industries rendering these businesses as monopolies.^{[428][429][430]} Friends and relatives of Marcos acquired staggering wealth and economic power due to special favors and privileges extended by the administration.^[431] While Marcos associates enjoyed government bailout even during the decline of their firms, other businesses suffered high taxes, sanctions, and other unjust treatments that forced them to close up, or to sell their shares. The majority of monopolies linked to Ferdinand Marcos are managed by his close associates, also regarded as cronies by critics.^[432] Former First Lady Imelda Marcos insinuated that the Marcoses controlled the majority of the industries in the Philippines. In a 1988 interview, she stated, "We practically own everything in the Philippines—from electricity, telecommunications, airline, banking, beer and tobacco, newspaper publishing, television stations, shipping, oil and mining, hotels and beach resorts, down to coconut milling, small farms, real estate and insurance."^[432]

Infrastructure and edifices

Marcos projected himself to the public as building vast construction projects, and his record upholds that reputation.^[118]: 128 A 2011 study Marcos was the president who spent the most on infrastructure in terms of annual spending.^[433] Most of these projects were paid for with foreign currency loans^[434][435] at great cost to taxpayers.^{[436][437]: 89}

Projects included hospitals^[438] such as the Philippine Heart Center, Lung Center, and Kidney Center, transportation infrastructure like San Juanico Bridge (formerly Marcos Bridge), Pan-Philippine Highway, North Luzon Expressway, South Luzon Expressway,^[439] and Manila Light Rail Transit (LRT). Cultural and heritage sites including the Cultural Center of the Philippines, Nayong Pilipino, Philippine International Convention Center and the ill-fated Manila Film Center were built as well.

This focus on infrastructure eventually earned the label "edifice complex".^{[435][436][120]}

Marcos' spending on construction has been claimed to be intended to position Imelda Marcos as a patron of the arts.^[440]: 169 This effort was so large that by 1977–1980, projects in the "conspicuous capital outlays" category had ballooned from a negligible amount to 20% of the Philippines' capital outlays.^{[437]: "88–89"}

These projects were typically constructed on a rush basis,^[440]: 169 often compromising structural safety.^[441]

The most controversial projects included

• Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) Complex, a 77-hectare^[442] reclaimed property in Pasay.^[443] He appointed a seven-member board of trustees, who elected Imelda as its chair.^[443] The budget grew from P15 million to P63 million.^[443]
• The San Juanico Bridge is part of the Pan-Philippine Highway and links the provinces of Leyte and Samar. At 2.16 kilometres (1.34 mi) in length, it is the Philippines longest bridge over water.^[444] Construction began in 1969. It was inaugurated on July 2, 1973, in time for Imelda Marcos's birthday. The $22 million construction cost was acquired through Japanese Official Development Assistance loans.^[445]
• The Manila Film Center began construction in January 1981 and cost $25 million.^[441][446] To meet the January 1982 deadline for the Manila International Film Festival, 4,000 workers were employed to work three 24-hour nonstop shifts. The lobby was constructed in 72 hours by 1,000 workers.^[441] A scaffolding collapsed on November 17, 1981, killing multiple workers. Rescuers and ambulances were kept away for 9 hours after the incident.^[441]

Marcos's signature agricultural program, Masagana 99, launched on May 21, 1973,^[447][448] to address a rice shortage.^[449] Its goal was to raise yield from 40 to 99 cavans (4.4 tons) per hectare.^[450] The program pushed farmers to use high-yield seeds, fertilizer, and herbicides.^[449] Initial success came from encouraging farmers to plant "Miracle Rice" (IR8),^[451] which funded by the Rockefeller and Ford foundations, and the UP College of Agriculture through IRRI,^[452]: 7 which had been under development since 1962.^[453] This increased rice production from 3.7 to 7.7 million tons in two decades and made the Philippines a rice exporter for the first time in the 20th century.^{[454][455][450]} The required switch to IR8 required more fertilizers and pesticides, helping multinationals, but not small, peasant farmers who often remained in poverty.^[456]

Although Masagana 99 showed promising results, the years from 1965 to 1986 showed a complete paradox of events. The income per capita rose, the economy was growing, yet people were impoverished. The American economist James K. Boyce refers to his as an example of "immiserizing growth", when economic growth, and political and social conditions, are such that the rich get absolutely richer and the poor become absolutely poorer.^[457] The World Bank reported that crops (rice, corn, coconut, sugar), livestock and poultry and fisheries grew at an average rate of 6.8%, 3% and 4.5%, respectively from 1970 to 1980, and while the forestry sector declined by an annual average rate of 4.4% through the 1970s.^[458]

Logging and deforestation

The Marcos administration marked a period of intense logging,^[459] with commercial logging accounting for 5% of GDP product in the first half of the 1970s. This was the result of Japanese construction demand.^[460][461] Timber products became a top export, but little attention was paid to deforestation's environmental impacts.^[462][463]

In the early 1980s, forestry collapsed because most accessible forests had been depleted – of 12 million hectares of forestland, about 7 million had been harvested.^[462][463] The rate of forest destruction was about 300,000 hectares (740,000 acres) per year during the 1960s and 1970s, such that by 1981, the Food and Agriculture Organization classified 2 million hectares of Philippine forests "severely degraded and incapable of regeneration".^[464]

Heavy industrialization

In 1979, Marcos added 11 heavy industrialization projects^[465] to the economic agenda. The priority projects were:^[465]

• aluminum smelter
• copper smelter^[466]
• integrated petrochemical complex^[467]
• integrated pulp and paper plant
• integrated steel mill
• phosphatic fertilizer plant
• alcogas industry
• cement industry expansion
• coconut industry integration
• diesel engine manufacturing
• nuclear power plant

Other industrialization projects during the Marcos administration included 17 hydroelectric^[468][469] and geothermal power plants.^{[470][471][472]} The commissioning of the Tongonan 1 and Palinpinon 1 geothermal plants in 1983 made the Philippines the world's second largest geothermal producers.^[470][473]

Nuclear Power

The Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP) is one of Marcos' six planned nuclear power plants.^[474] It stands in Morong, Bataan, atop Napot Point that overlooks the South China Sea. Construction completed in 1985.^[475]

In 1974, National Power was negotiating with General Electric. However, Westinghouse energy company, hired Herminio Disini, a friend of Ferdinand Marcos to lobby for them. Westinghouse made a direct offer to supply a plant with two 620 MW reactors at a price of $500 million. The price estimate was raised to around $650 million because of such as fuel and transmission lines.^[474] Westinghouse won the deal. By March 1975, the price had increased to $1.1 billion.^[474]

Numerous issues regarding safety and usability have emerged. After the Three Mile Island incident, construction stopped. A safety inquiry revealed over 4,000 defects.^[474] The site was near the open sea and the then-dormant Mount Pinatubo, and was within 25 miles of three geological faults.^[474] The project was discontinued in 1986 following the Chernobyl disaster.^[441]

Costs passed $2.3 million; loans were paid off only in April 2017, although maintaining the plant costs P40 million a year.^[441]

Educational system

Marcos emphasized educational infrastructure during his first presidential term. He was more willing than previous presidents to use foreign loans to fund construction projects allowing him to construct more roads and school buildings than any previous administration.^[118]: 128

47 colleges and universities were established during Marcos's 21-year administration.^[476]

The Philippine education system underwent two major periods of restructuring under Marcos: first in 1972 with Bagong Lipunan (New Society) and again in 1981 when the Fourth Philippine Republic was established.^[477]

Bagong Lipunan marked the first major restructuring of Philippine education since Americans arrived around 1900.^[477] It reoriented the teaching of civics and history^[477][478] so that it would reflect Bagong Lipunan's ideology of constitutional authoritarianism.^{[204][479]: 414} In addition, it attempted to synchronize the curriculum with the administration's economic strategy of labor export.^[477]

The second restructuring in 1981 failed as the administration was distracted by economic crises.^[477]

Metro Manila

In 1975, Marcos issued Presidential Decree No. 824, placing the city of Manila, Quezon City, two other cities and twelve municipalities of Rizal, and the municipality of Valenzuela in Bulacan under the administration of the Metro Manila Commission (MMC).^[480]

The appointed head of the MMC was called a "governor".^[481] Marcos appointed Imelda as governor in 1976.^[482] He served as the acting governor from February 17 to June 12, 1978, while Imelda took a leave of absence to focus on her campaign for a seat in the Interim Batasang Pambansa.^[483]

The governorship was the republic's second most powerful office. Metro Manila then accounted for around 20% of the country's population and at least 70% of GDP. Its budget is second to the national government.^[157] This increase in Imelda's political power led Carlos P. Romulo to describe her as the Philippines' "de facto vice president".^[482]

The US–Marcos relationship

All five American presidents from 1965 to 1985 maintained the US–Marcos relationship, mainly to protect and retain access to US military bases. However, the Philippines was just one of many US allies, while the US was the Philippines' only patron. Marcos worked to maintain close relations with the US. He relied on this connection to sustain his regime.^[484]

Marcos strengthened his ties to the US government by actions such as sending two engineer battalions to the US in the Vietnam War. After South Vietnam fell, President Ford sought better security assistance from allies, such as the Philippines, while President Carter wanted to retain US military bases in the Philippines to guard the West's oil supply line from the Middle East.^[484]

To obtain additional aid, Marcos often leveraged threats that caught US attention. To secure aid for his campaign, Marcos threatened to search every visiting American naval vessel. The US responded by assisting his campaign indirectly, injecting millions into the government's banking system.^[485]

In another instance, when US military bases became an issue in the Philippines in 1969, Marcos secretly assured the US he had no desire for an American withdrawal. He had received warnings from the Philippine embassy that US aid was at risk in Congress. Marcos returned to the implied threats. In one speech, he stated that the bases were a threat to regional peace and security, while reminding the US of its "solemn obligation" to continue aid.^[486] In the last weeks of the Ford administration, Marcos rejected the US offer of $1 billion in mixed grants and loans as too small.

Books

Marcos published various books during his term from 1970 to 1983, and a final offering was published posthumously, in 1990.^[487] Apparently these books were written by ghostwriters,^[488] notably Adrian Cristobal.^[489][490]

• National Discipline: the Key to Our Future (1970)
• Today's Revolution: Democracy (1971)
• Notes on the New Society of the Philippines (1973)
• Tadhana: the history of the Filipino People (1977, 1982)
• The democratic revolution in the Philippines (1977)
• Five years of the new society (1978)
• President Ferdinand E. Marcos on law, development and human rights (1978)
• President Ferdinand E. Marcos on agrarian reform (1979)
• An Ideology for Filipinos (1980)
• An introduction to the politics of transition (1980)
• Marcos's Notes for the Cancun Summit, 1981 (1981)
• Progress and Martial Law (1981)
• The New Philippine Republic: A Third World Approach to Democracy (1982)
• Toward a New Partnership: The Filipino Ideology (1983)
• A Trilogy on the Transformation of Philippine Society (1990)

Recognition

• Chief Commander of the Philippine Legion of Honor (September 11, 1972)^[491]
• Man of the Year 1965, Philippine Free Press (January 1, 1966)^[492]
• Knight Grand Cross of Rizal of the Order of the Knights of Rizal.^[493]
• Gabon: Grand Cross of the Order of the Equatorial Star
• Japan: Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum (September 20, 1966)^[494]
• Romania: Order of the Star of the Romanian Socialist Republic (April 9, 1975)^[495]
• Singapore: First Class (Honorary) of the Order of Temasek (January 15, 1974)^[496]
• Spain:
  • Knight of the Collar of the Order of Isabella the Catholic (December 22, 1969)^[497]
  • Grand Cross of the Order of Military Merit
• Thailand: Knight of the Most Auspicious Order of the Rajamitrabhorn (January 15, 1968)^[498]
• Indonesia: First Class (Adipurna) of the Star of the Republic of Indonesia (January 12, 1968)^[499]
• Marcos and Imelda, were jointly credited in 1989 by Guinness World Records with the largest-ever theft from a government (an estimated 5 billion to 10 billion US dollars),^[500] a record that remained unbroken as of 2022.^[501]

Electoral history

Electoral history of Ferdinand Marcos

Year	Office	Party		Votes received				Result
				Total	%	P.	Swing
1949	Representative (Ilocos Norte–2nd)		Liberal	—N/a	—N/a	1st	—N/a	Won
1953				—N/a	—N/a	1st	—N/a	Won
1957				—N/a	—N/a	1st	—N/a	Won
1959	Senator of the Philippines			2,661,153	41.62%	1st	—N/a	Won
1965	President of the Philippines		Nacionalista	3,861,324	51.94%	1st	—N/a	Won
1969				5,017,343	62.24%	1st	+10.30	Won
1981			KBL	18,309,360	88.02%	1st	+25.78	Won
1986				7,376,599	48.26%	2nd	-39.76	Lost

See also

• Bantayog ng mga Bayani
• Conjugal dictatorship
• Corruption in the Philippines
• Economic history of the Philippines (1965–1986)
• Ferdinand Marcos's cult of personality
• Kleptocracy
• Rolex 12
• List of films about martial law under Ferdinand Marcos
• List of South East Asian people by net worth

Notes

1. The Philippines was an unincorporated territory of the United States known as the Philippine Islands at the time of Marcos's birth.
2. During the Commonwealth era, the US controlled the Philippines as a protectorate.
3. Pronunciation:
   • UK: /ˈmɑːrkɒs/ MAR-koss, US: /-koʊs, -kɔːs/ -⁠kohss, -⁠kawss;^[5][6]
   • Tagalog: [ˈmaɾkɔs].
4. There is some disagreement between sources about whether President Bush said principle^[213][214] or principles^[215][216]

References

1. Merez, Arianne (November 19, 2016). "DLSU law dean: Was Marcos' body really buried at LNMB?". ABS-CBN News. Archived from the original on April 27, 2023.
2. Pedroza, Stephen (August 31, 2016). "Are we really burying Marcos' 'body'". Archived from the original on October 15, 2023.
3. Zambrano, Chiara (July 4, 2011). "Marcos in mausoleum-Wax or real?". ABS-CBN News. Archived from the original on April 23, 2023.
4. Reyes, Miguel Paolo P.; Ariate, Joel F. (July 18, 2021). "Ferdie and Meldy's House of love, lies, and loot". Vera Files. Archived from the original on December 16, 2022.
5. Jones, Daniel (2011). Roach, Peter; Setter, Jane; Esling, John (eds.). "Marcos". Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary (18th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 305. ISBN 978-0-521-15255-6.{{citation}}: CS1 maint: work parameter with ISBN (link)
6. The New Websters Dictionary of the English Language. Lexicon Publications, Inc. 1994. p. 609. ISBN 0-7172-4690-6.
7. David, Chaikin; Sharman, J.C. (2009). "The Marcos Kleptocracy". Corruption and Money Laundering: A Symbiotic Relationship. Palgrave Series on Asian Governance. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 153–186. doi:10.1057/9780230622456_7. ISBN 978-0-230-61360-7. Archived from the original on November 7, 2023.
8. Roa, Ana (September 29, 2014). "Regime of Marcoses, cronies, kleptocracy". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Archived from the original on June 28, 2018.
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Further reading

• Aquino, Belinda, ed. (1982). Cronies and Enemies: The Current Philippine Scene. Philippine Studies Program, Center for Asian and Pacific Studies, University of Hawaii.
• Bonner, Raymond (1987). Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy. Times Books, New York ISBN 978-0-8129-1326-2
• Salonga, Jovito (2001). Presidential Plunder: The Quest for Marcos Ill-gotten Wealth. Regina Pub. Co., Manila
• Seagrave, Sterling (1988): The Marcos Dynasty, HarperCollins
• Library of Congress Country Studies: Philippines. The Inheritance from Marcos

External links

• The Martial Law Memorial Museum
• Digital Museum of Martial Law in the Philippines
• The Marcos Regime Research (MRR) program by the University of the Philippines Third World Studies Center
• The Martial Law Chronicles Project
• The Philippine Martial Law Human Rights Violations Victims' Memorial Commission Freedom Memorial website
• Ferdinand E. Marcos – Department of National Defense at the Wayback Machine (archived June 3, 2020)
• Philippine government website on the country's presidents at the Wayback Machine (archived August 4, 2008)
• Marcos Presidential Center at the Wayback Machine (archived September 23, 2004)
• Ferdinand Marcos at IMDb